A new political experiment has begun in Japan. Yesterday, as expected, chief cabinet secretary Abe Shinzo won the race for chairman of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). He will become Japan’s new prime minister on September 26. Having succeeded in creating for himself an image as a strong politician who leads the charge for a hard-line response to North Korea’s kidnapping of Japanese citizens, as well as one who speaks his mind, his swift rise to power clearly means his country is experiencing a generational change in its politicians. Today, September 21, is Abe’s birthday; he is 52 years old. He will become the first prime minister born after the war, and the youngest prime minister Japan has ever seen.
But the change Abe brings with him is more than a simple generational one. Based on an ambitious spirit and overwhelming support, he is expected to forge ahead with his plan to tear down the foundations of postwar democracy that contributed to Japanese stability and prosperity after its defeat in World War II.
During his campaign, he pledged to amend his country’s "peace constitution" and carry out "educational reform" designed to promote patriotism. You can somewhat understand how the Japanese people, tired of the stagnancy of Japanese politics, have come to have certain expectations of Abe. However, even in Japan, there are doubts about whether he has the capacity and qualities to meet such expectations. A five-term Diet member does not qualify as a heavyweight in the House of Representatives. Aside from his experience as chief cabinet secretary - a position serving as the secretary of the prime minister’s office and as the prime minister’s spokesman - he has no experience at a government agency, large or small.
Of much greater concern is his understanding of history. One of the biggest tasks awaiting him is restoring relations with Japan’s neighbors, destroyed in the wake of Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s worshiping at Yasukuni Shrine. During the course of the campaign for LDP chairman, however, it became apparent that a minefield lies between resuming summit meetings with China and Korea. Koizumi often argued that it was reasonable to worship at Yasukuni, but he never denied the legitimacy of the Tokyo Military Tribunal or the classification of certain veterans as war criminals. Abe’s choice, on the other hand, has been to avoid controversy through vague statements, or by saying ’such questions should be left to historians.’ If he continues with the same tactics after he is sworn in as prime minister, international criticism will not quiet down.
If Abe is going to reduce controversy and repair relationships with Japan’s neighbors, he is going to have to behave in a more flexible manner and be more reasonable in the statements he makes. If he repeats the same claims he always has, the East Asian theater of foreign relations could very likely face an even bumpier road than it has in the Koizumi era. We hope that Abe’s government will not be remembered in history as an ultra-nationalist one - or as the cabinet that denied the progress of postwar Japan.
[Editorial] Where Japan is heading with Abe |