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Son Hak-kyu, Former Gyeonggi Province Governor
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From 'Clique Politics' to 'Digital Leadership'
Stepping down this week, Gyeonggi Province Governor Son Hak-kyu (59) will depart on a 100-day trip to Changsung, South Jeolla Province, on "a long march to grasp popular sentiment." On June 26, his book "Son Hak-kyu and Jjiksae and Ddaksae" was released, and a large-scale publication launch ceremony was held in Seoul. Beginning with the construction of an LG Philips LCD factory in Paju, Governer Son has attracted 14 billion, 100 million dollars of investments from 114 pioneer industries to his province, and created 80,000 jobs as well, according to one report. On the morning of June 29, I met him in the Gyeonggi Province office in Seoul, and inquired in regards to his thoughts on retirement and ideas for the future. The interview began in a hurry, but the governor shot off responses without hesitation. His delivery is somewhat wordy, but in order to recreate the atmosphere his responses are carried here in full. Lee Soo-won, Gyeonggi Province Spokesman, was also in attendance.Q. What are your impressions now that you are facing retirement? A. I fulfilled my duties without regret. I had fun and found it interesting. I think of having been given the responsibilities of governor as a blessing and a boon. Q. I read the book you published as governor, and saw how you focused on preserving jobs, and in particular those in high-tech industries. Why did you put the focus on job security? A. The world today is in a state of war over jobs. Recently I traveled to Finland, United Arab Emirates, and Singapore, and while we must aspire to be a welfare state, the best welfare is having a place to work. The best welfare is earning and eating by one's own hands. We host several job fairs every year, and young people show up desperate to find a job. One young man said that he had sent out hundreds of resumes, and felt as if he were selling his soul. Those words really hit home for me. University students can't find work, so they take vacations, join the military, and go to graduate school, all the while staying trapped in school. It is because even if they leave school, they can't find a job. So I thought that we had to make good jobs, and in trying to make a good environment for enterprise invited many high-tech industries. Q. The English Village is being evaluated as an accomplishment - what is the background behind your promotion of it? A. It is necessary so as to prepare for our country's future. I thought that a country such as ours without resources must put food on the table through international communication. Foreigners conduct business here with ease and they sightsee, and I decided that if our country is to also effectively set out in the world and do business, we must successfully take up English as the mode of communication. We learned dead English, and now we must learn living English. Of course, there are people who go to study foreign languages, but their numbers are surpassed by those who do not. So I thought we had to resolve the social gap created by English, that we had to take on English at the level of public education. The English Village is not a private cram school, but rather public education. It's because schools come there as organizations and commission out their education. Q. You used the phrase "second official language," right? It's not yet something that is concrete, but if we are to use English properly, and if the people are to use English with ease, then we must do something at the official level. Having visited three small but strong countries, I saw that their common point was the uninhibited use of English. Even those who received their education in Dubai speak perfect English. Singapore adapted English as their national language from the time of their national foundation. When Lee Kwan Yew looked at things, he decided that the path for Singapore was to become a regional hub. With China growing, Japan as an economic superpower, and Russia on the rise, English must be considered one part of our fundamental infrastructure if we are to become a hub. This infrastructure includes cutting-edge technology first, and second, human resources and education, of which English is a component. Q. You visited North Korea for two days and one night, for the North-South Cooperative Rice Planting, correct? A. It was due to the Cooperative Rice Agriculture Enterprise. Q. Was there any special meaning to this? A. Rather than hunting, cooking, and presenting meat to them, we went to the north in the spirit of providing economic aid so as to teach them the art of hunting. The North's most pressing problem is that of food. In order to solve this, we cannot just give them rice endlessly, and so I came to the judgment that the most effective method was in striving to increase rice production in the North. We publicly presented a plan on rice farming to the North. As North Korea was facing rationing difficulties at the beginning of last year and taking on expanding production as an essential topic, we announced at a press conference at the beginning of last year that we would provide aid for rice farming. We also announced that we would bring the rice seed we developed and guide rice farming. Quite surprisingly, the North accepted our offer within a month. But last year, we missed the rice planting season, so some people said to do it next year, but I said, let’s go forward with it even though we are late, and it was still a success. The rice harvest was double the average quantity for North Korea. The North Koreans said, "Hey, this is great!" and decided to expand the enterprise. The original plan was to start at 3 hectares, then expand to 10, 20, 50 and then 100 hectares in successive years, but the North Koreans said to skip directly to 100 hectares, so that's what we did. North Korea took us at our word, and we are also taking up cooperative enterprises to improve the residential environment as well as building rural hospitals, childcare facilities, and schools. In conducting this enterprise, our agricultural experts are living together with North Koreans. That's one of the special qualities of agriculture. It is the first case where there is a chance to directly interact and communicate with the North Korean citizenry. Q. You did not visit last year? A. I tried to do during the rice harvest, but I didn't go in the end. They presented my attendance at the Arirang Festival as a necessary condition, and so I did not go, for fear of them trying to make my visit into a political one. I judged the basic issue to be one of drawing a clear line between cooperative aid to the North and propaganda. Q. I'd like to ask you in regards to your political philosophy. You use often the phrase "spirit of the times" and I wonder how would you define the current spirit of the times? A. One could sum up the spirit as being one of a global age, a knowledge-based society, and a network society. We must be clearly aware that we are living inside of a wider world. We must not be [ignorant] like the frog at the bottom of a well. The digital revolution occurred in the knowledge-based society. The economy and social system are changing by means of the revolution in information transmission. We must make a technologically strong nation and fortify our national economic clout. In the network age, we are not individuals in a digital society, but rather all part of a network. In the analog society of the past, we merely settled and gradually expanded from our base, but in the network society, there is no part that is not steadily becoming linked. What I call digital leadership is the ability to respond to those societal characteristics. Digital leadership is all-inclusive politics without the gaming and cliques, it is productive without ideological conflict, it is concrete and substantial, and it is forward oriented, not past oriented. This is the spirit of our times. We recognize the achievements of the past, but we cannot settle to live within their walls, and of course democratization and democracy are indispensable to our society and of utmost value, but we must not misunderstand democracy and become attached to ideological confrontations. We must develop the concrete ability to manage the world, but we are not asking for corrupted abilities, rather for ethical ones. We ask for ethical abilities but we must not dwell on the past or try to live in the past. Properly observing the flow of the world and managing it is leadership--that is forward-looking. Q. Is it possible for you to rate our succession of presidents? A. I think our country truly chose the president and regime appropriate to their objectives. Under the Yushin System, I devoted myself to fighting for democracy, but in truth, the times demanded Park Chung-hee (laughs). At the time I thought we became quite democratized, but then Yushin collapsed on October 26, 1979, and then came the Seoul Spring, which was followed by the Chun Doo-hwan period. President Chun Doo-hwan's regime was all-powerful, but in the 1980s, democracy could only be put aside [temporarily] because a dictatorial regime cannot control a society with an enlarged middle class and civil society. That said, in an exercise of incomplete democracy, power was given to Roh Tae-woo, a civilian who had taken off his military dress. I think it would have happened even if Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung had not fought, but that was the flow of things. After that, the democratic forces took power, but did it through a coalition of three parties. But the main actors were clearly the democratic and civilian forces. After that, the Kim Dae-jung regime came to power and civilians controlled the regime entirely. If one looks at the political ideologies of the time, progressive tendencies extending to the left wing found a place within the regime, and North-South peaceful exchange and a welfare system took shape. However, their abilities weren't up to par, so they didn't succeed in properly taking power. After that, they chose the Roh Moo-hyun regime as a new style of politics to replace the old style of politics. The GNP failed two times in its quest for power, but I don't see this as merely a problem of individual candidates. If one looks only at the things in plain sight, even if the son [of Lee Hoi-chang] had gone to the military, and if Kim Dae-ub wasn't there, in the larger picture the GNP could not guide or lead the currents of the times. That is why I demanded the reform of the GNP. Q. The new GNP chairperson will be chosen at the July 11 Party Conference. What do you see as the necessary traits of a person in that position? A. The general expectation is that the chairperson must make preparations for the election and perform proper management. Fairness is that important of a standard. While doing that, I think it would be good if he, rather than just simply managing the party, also gave the perception that he is making an effort to change it, as well. The GNP won in these last elections, but I don't think it was only because they did well. I see the elections as a stern judgment of the incompetence of a government that promotes conflict and confrontation while constantly retrogressing to the past, and I think that the results should be taken as a lesson of how much one should respect the citizenry, and of what needs to be furnished for them if the party is to change. Of course, the proactive figure of change will be seen in the next presidential candidate. The perception that I, too, must work for is that "we are the ones who can change, we have certainly not abandoned reform, and indeed, reform is what our party stands for." If they are labeled as the party of reform and we are stuck being the conservative one, I think that there is no possibility for our party to come to power. Conservatism that does not reform can never capture the hearts of the people. Q. Some wonder why someone like Son Hak-kyu is part of the GNP. Governor Son's image is one of reform, but the GNP image is one of conservatism, Governor Son's image is one of skill, and the GNP has a strong image of corruption. A. The source of the greatest political strength of the GNP is the belief in liberal democracy and market economics as well as the ability for national management. Currently, the Roh regime and the Uri Party profess reform, but their reforms will wreck the nation. I wait for a regime under which there is stability, economic development and where people can eat and live. The GNP has skills and assets gathered through the forces of industrialization. Furthermore, the GNP is rooted in the democratizing forces contemporary to the formation of the three-party coalition. Also, recently there has been a large influx of young reformers into the party who are trying to become a force within it. The GNP holds a sufficient amount of belief in liberal democracy and the market economy, healthy conservatism, and the temperament of reform. The issue is whether they can properly carry out reform, and that is something that I must do, as well. Son Hak-kyu, with the ability to put into practice his reformist mind and disposition, can show the people a GNP under reform. Q. Do you see the GNP as having the skills for national administration? The current social level and scale of the party is very different now from that of the opposition party of the past. A. The high level of support for the GNP and its victory in the recent local-level elections are reflections of the failings of and repulsion toward the incompetence and misgovernance of the Roh administration. That said, I also see the ability shown in the cases of the regional governments under the control of the GNP, as seen in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province, as playing a role in gaining a good deal of trust from the people. I provided jobs and put food on the table and built infrastructure for Korea 10 to 20 years down the line. This is exactly the sort of thing that shows our fundamental facility for national administration and management. Q. Former party chairwoman Park Geun-hye is the daughter of Former President Park Chung-hee, and she is evaluated as successfully fulfilling her role as chairwoman. Do you see this as her benefiting from the "halo" of her father, or rather a product of her personal skills? A. It is a fact that the fragrance of Park Chung-hee has spread in the air, with society in chaos and the economy in difficult straits. It is also an important reflection of the conservative drift of our country. In that sense, one has sufficient reason to think that representative Park has taken on the "halo" of her father. That said, at the same time, representative Park did a wonderful job in leading the election campaign, and her individual leadership was forcefully put on display. Both sides have some truth to them. Q. What do you think of the possibility of a woman becoming President? A. Anything is possible. I don't think she must not become president because she is a woman. What is important is not whether or not one is a woman. I'm saying that society itself is rapidly changing and the advent of a new 21st century civilization is upon us. Rather than being centered on knowledge and information industries, civilization is nearing a digital revolution by which the social structure and culture will change. We must see whether or not the next president will carry this spirit of the age within them. I have the self-confidence to wrestle with history. When the times called for democracy, I fought against tyranny, and when the times called for reform I stood on the front lines. When jobs were called for, I took the lead, as well. An important virtue of the next president is whether a historical consciousness and the spirit of the ages are properly secure within them. It's not an issue of whether the person is a man or a woman. Q. Do you think that reform is possible within the GNP? A. It is possible enough. If I thought that it were not impossible, I would have no reason to remain within the party fold. The GNP has the ability of national administration and the atmosphere and sufficient human resources necessary for reform. We also have a young reform faction. Q. Whether in embracing the Honam region, forming a grand conservative coalition, or expanding outwards, there are those who think that the GNP must do something different. What is your opinion on this? A. I've thought about this. The GNP must escape from being a regional political party so as to incorporate the entire nation. Among the difficulties facing the GNP is that, just like any other party, they have not escaped from the image of being a regional party. If they are to take power, they must get over being a regional party. In particular, the party is in a current state where it cannot put forth a candidate in the Honam region, as they only get 1 or 2 percent [of the vote], and this is something that absolutely must be overcome. Q. How do you foresee the political realignment of the ruling party? There is talk of unification of the Uri and Democratic Parties and the forwarding of former Prime Minister Goh Kun as their candidate. A. I've always seen politics on the level of historical development and the spirit of the age. I wish the ruling party well. I hope that they take up a new formation in adapting to the new era, and take in the spirit of the age such that they can perform management, as well as properly grasp and guide the flow of history. That being said, if the ruling party simply unifies with another party merely for political advantage or tries to make a coalition of regions, I would expect nothing of merit to come forth. The reason that I tried to attract high-tech industries was not to kill off the pre-existing industries or small and mid-sized companies. Rather, it was to foster their economic strength. If they do not clash with excellent industries, then their preparation of a new system and carrying out of restructuring will end in failure. For the GNP to secure its historical role, the Uri Party, too, must arm itself with the new spirit of the age. Only in this case will the GNP be kept at its senses and continue to fight the good fight. If the ruling party continues to come out in the fashion that they currently do, then our party too will be forced to think of the regional structure and coalitions for mere political advantage. This would be political retrogression. If the ruling party regards reform as its duty as it professes, then they should choose a leader and conception to match with the spirit of the age. Q. What do you think was President Roh Moo-hyun's historical obligation? How do you evaluate him? A. The reason for President Roh Moo-hyun's election was because the people desired a new kind of politics. That is to say, get rid of the old politics and take up new politics. President Roh Moo-hyun's political track record was comparatively short and somewhat unique. He said that he would shatter regional politics. Rather than calculating private loss and gain, he gave the image that he would make the right choices. In that sense, people expected an escape from the old politics of regionalism, the politics of calculating utility, and the politics of idly holding onto money and power, all of which would be replaced with the creation of a new brand of politics. However, more than anything else, the economy and people's livelihood has worsened. This was something one can feel tangibly, and has only fostered yet other conflicts and confrontations while fracturing society. While promising reform, the old forces of reform clung to and harped on the past, and became just another entrenched interest group. In the end, they could not produce a new approach, and created a novel form of old-style cliquish politics. They needed to carry out productive reform and restructuring with economic muscle, but quite the opposite, reform has backtracked. This is truly a shame. Q. As we have reached the time limit, I will stop here. Thank you very much. A. The interview flowed by like water, didn't it?
